{"id":7766,"date":"2010-04-09T08:41:31","date_gmt":"2010-04-09T08:41:31","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2015-01-22T12:16:22","modified_gmt":"2015-01-22T12:16:22","slug":"distancia-no-recomendada","status":"publish","type":"news","link":"https:\/\/amchamchile.cl\/en\/noticia\/distancia-no-recomendada\/","title":{"rendered":"Distancia no recomendada"},"content":{"rendered":"

Reproduzco una columna de Susan Kaufman Purcell, Directora, Centro de Pol\u00edtica Hemisf\u00e9rica, Universidad de Miami,\u00a0<\/span>en America Econom\u00eda en el n\u00famero de abril 2010, relacionado con\u00a0la pol\u00edtica de EEUU hacia Am\u00e9rica Latina y las tendencias de acuerdo con su perspectiva, que se est\u00e1n produciendo en la regi\u00f3n, que explican cierto alejamiento del \u00e1rea de influencia de EEUU.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Pulling Away<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

By <\/strong>Susan <\/strong>Kaufman Purcell<\/strong>
\nDirector, Center for Hemispheric Policy, University of Miami.<\/p>\n

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton\u2019s recent trip to Latin America did not turn out as she had hoped. She failed to get Brazil to support sanctions against Iran for its efforts to develop nuclear power. Nor could she persuade Latin American countries that opposed the \u201ctraditional military coup\u201d in Honduras to resume normal relations with the newly-elected government in that country. And the absence of any announcement of a new, big U.S. initiative focusing on the region was disappointing to many Latin Americans.<\/p>\n

Latin America\u2019s less-than-enthusiastic response to Secretary Clinton\u2019s initiatives is not surprising. President Barak Obama\u2019s participation in last year\u2019s Summit of the Americas raised expectations that he would break with the policies of his predecessors, end the alleged neglect by Washington of the region and support multilateral approaches to the solutions of hemispheric problems. Apparently, many Latin American governments understood Obama\u2019s embrace of multilateralism as meaning that Washington would support the Latin American consensus on regional issues. They were wrong. Instead, the United States continued to enforce the embargo against Cuba, entered into an agreement with Colombia that would allow it to use the latter\u2019s military bases for its anti-drug policies and, after initially joining Latin America in criticizing the military coup in Honduras, reversed its position, recognized the new president and restored U.S. economic aid.<\/p>\n

Latin America\u2019s disappointment with U.S. behavior and policies toward the region is not, however, the only explanation for the difficulties encountered by the U.S. Secretary of State during her visit. Also important is the fact that throughout much of Latin America, the United States is increasingly viewed as a declining global power, a belief that is causing many Latin American governments to challenge U.S. authority and to distance themselves from Washington while drawing closer to countries that they classify as rising powers, such as China, India and Russia. The increasingly assertive role being played by Brazil, both within the region and on the global stage, reflects its membership in this group of \u201crising\u201d developing countries.<\/p>\n

There are several problems with Latin America\u2019s views of the United States and of itself. First, although the U.S. economy constitutes a smaller share of the global economy than in the past, together with Canada, it still accounts for 90% of the hemisphere\u2019s economy. Therefore, Latin America\u2019s efforts to distance itself from the United States, for example, by forming new regional organizations that exclude the United States (and Canada), will harm Latin America more than the United States.\u00a0 At a time when Latin America\u2019s economic competitiveness continues to decline vis a vis other regions of the world, it is hard to understand how distancing themselves from the largest market in the world is a good thing. Second, the economic benefits reaped by South America\u2019s commodity export boom have not, with few exceptions, been used to diversify and modernize the region\u2019s economies. This will limit the future global influence of the region. Third, the fact that Latin American countries vote similarly in their regional organizations, especially when criticism of the United States is involved, cannot change the reality that the region is seriously divided into two competing groups \u2013 the ALBA countries led by Venezuelan President Hugo Ch\u00e1vez, and the market-based democracies \u2013 that disagree on politics, foreign policy and economic development strategy. Brazil, which many people expected to be the leader of the latter group, has chosen instead to straddle the two groups in an effort not to lose influence with either and to reap benefits from both.<\/p>\n

In his eloquent farewell speech at the recent Canc\u00fan summit, President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica dealt precisely with these issues. He argued that \u201cdespite the speeches and the applause,\u201d Latin America \u201chas made little progress in recent decades\u201d and that in certain areas, the region was going backwards, running the risk of \u201cadding to its amazing collection of lost generations,\u201d and wasting again the opportunities it has to move forward. He criticized the region\u2019s failure to build democratic institutions, strengthen the rule of law, and fight \u201cpoverty, ignorance and rampant crime,\u201d and questioned its attraction to populist demagogues. He also said that Latin Americans must stop playing the victim and stop complaining about poverty while engaging in a multi-billion dollar arms race.<\/p>\n

Perhaps the recent election of new presidents in Uruguay, Chile and Costa Rica, as well as the decline in the fortunes of Hugo Ch\u00e1vez in Venezuela, will move the region closer to Arias\u2019 desired goals of democracy, development and peace. Also needed, however, are more people like President Arias who are willing to speak honestly about what is really going on in Latin America.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Distancia no recomendada<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

El reciente viaje de Hillary Clinton a Am\u00e9rica Latina no fue lo que ella esperaba. La secretaria de Estado de EE.UU. no logr\u00f3 que Brasil apoyara las sanciones contra Ir\u00e1n por sus esfuerzos en desarrollar su poder nuclear. Tampoco pudo persuadir a los pa\u00edses latinoamericanos que se opusieron al golpe militar de Honduras para que reanudaran sus relaciones con el gobierno recientemente electo en esa naci\u00f3n. Y la ausencia de anuncios sobre una nueva y mayor iniciativa estadounidense enfocada en la regi\u00f3n desilusion\u00f3 a muchos latinoamericanos.<\/p>\n

La respuesta poco entusiasta de Am\u00e9rica Latina a las iniciativas de Clinton no es sorprendente. La participaci\u00f3n del presidente Barak Obama en la Cumbre de las Am\u00e9ricas el a\u00f1o pasado elev\u00f3 las expectativas de que discontinuar\u00eda las pol\u00edticas de sus predecesores, terminar\u00eda con la presunta negligencia de parte de Washington hacia la regi\u00f3n y apoyar\u00eda soluciones multilaterales a los problemas del hemisferio.<\/p>\n

Aparentemente, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos interpretaron el abrazo de Obama al multilateralismo como una promesa por parte de Washington a apoyar el consenso latinoamericano en los temas regionales. Se equivocaron. Estados Unidos continu\u00f3 con el embargo contra Cuba, lleg\u00f3 a un acuerdo con Colombia paras usar bases militares para sus pol\u00edticas antidrogas, y, despu\u00e9s de unirse a las cr\u00edticas latinoamericanas al golpe militar de Honduras, revirti\u00f3 su posici\u00f3n, reconoci\u00f3 a su nuevo presidente y restableci\u00f3 la ayuda econ\u00f3mica de Estados Unidos.<\/p>\n

Pero esta desilusi\u00f3n no es la \u00fanica explicaci\u00f3n para las dificultades con que se top\u00f3 la secretaria de Estado de Estados Unidos durante su visita. Tambi\u00e9n es importante el hecho de que en gran parte de la regi\u00f3n Estados Unidos es visto cada vez m\u00e1s como un poder global en declive, una creencia que est\u00e1 llevando a muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos a desafiar la autoridad estadounidense y a distanciarse de Washington mientras se acercan a pa\u00edses que clasifican como poderes emergentes, como China, India y Rusia. El creciente rol en\u00e9rgico que ha estado jugando Brasil en la regi\u00f3n y el mundo, refleja su pertenencia a este grupo de pa\u00edses. Hay varios problemas con las visiones que existen en Am\u00e9rica Latina de s\u00ed misma y de Estados Unidos. Primero, aunque la econom\u00eda estadounidense constituye hoy una parte m\u00e1s peque\u00f1a de la econom\u00eda global, junto con Canad\u00e1 representa el 90% de la econom\u00eda del hemisferio. Por eso, los esfuerzos de Am\u00e9rica Latina por distanciarse de Estados Unidos (y de Canad\u00e1), formando nuevas organizaciones regionales que lo excluyen, por ejemplo, da\u00f1ar\u00e1n m\u00e1s a la propia regi\u00f3n que a su vecino del norte. En momentos en que la competitividad de Am\u00e9rica Latina contin\u00faa en declive vis a vis otras regiones del mundo, es dif\u00edcil entender c\u00f3mo autodistanciarse de la mayor econom\u00eda del globo puede ser bueno. Segundo, los beneficios econ\u00f3micos cosechados por el boom exportador sudamericano, salvo contadas excepciones, no han sido aprovechados para modernizar las econom\u00edas. Esto limitar\u00e1 la futura influencia de la regi\u00f3n en el mundo. Tercero, el hecho de que los pa\u00edses latinoamericanos votan de una manera semejante en sus organizaciones regionales \u2013 especialmente cuando hay involucradas cr\u00edticas a Estados Unidos\u2013 no cambia el hecho de que la regi\u00f3n est\u00e1 seriamente dividida en dos grupos: los pa\u00edses del ALBA, liderados por el presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Ch\u00e1vez y las democracias basadas en los mercados. Ambos disienten en sus pol\u00edticas internas, focos internacionales y la estrategia de desarrollo econ\u00f3mico. Brasil, que para muchos deber\u00eda ser el l\u00edder de este grupo, ha escogido una posici\u00f3n para no perder influencia en ninguno de los dos: obtener beneficios de ambos.<\/p>\n

En su elocuente discurso de despedida, en la \u00faltima cumbre de Canc\u00fan, el presidente de Costa Rica, \u00d3scar Arias, habl\u00f3 de esto. Dijo que \u201ca pesar de los discursos y los aplausos\u201d, Am\u00e9rica Latina \u201cha avanzado poco en las \u00faltimas d\u00e9cadas\u201d, y que en ciertas \u00e1reas la regi\u00f3n ha retrocedido, corriendo el riesgo de hacer crecer \u201csu ins\u00f3lita colecci\u00f3n de generaciones perdidas\u201d, desperdiciado oportunidades deavanzar. Critic\u00f3 los fracasos en construir instituciones democr\u00e1ticas, en fortalecer el cumplimiento de la ley y combatir la \u201cpobreza, la ignorancia y la inseguridad ciudadana\u201d, y cuestion\u00f3 su atracci\u00f3n a los demagogos populistas. Tambi\u00e9n dijo que los latinoamericanos deben dejar de jugar el rol de v\u00edctimas y dejar de quejarse de la pobreza mientras gastan miles de millones de d\u00f3lares en su carrera armamentista.<\/p>\n

Quiz\u00e1 las elecciones presidenciales en Uruguay, Chile y Costa Rica, as\u00ed como la disminuci\u00f3n en la suerte de Hugo Ch\u00e1vez, mover\u00e1n a la regi\u00f3n m\u00e1s cerca de los deseos de Arias en torno a la democracia, el desarrollo y la paz. Sin embargo, para ello se necesitan m\u00e1s personas como el presidente Arias, que muestra voluntad de hablar honestamente acerca de lo que realmente ocurre en Am\u00e9rica Latina.

Reproduzco una columna de Susan Kaufman Purcell, Directora, Centro de Pol\u00edtica Hemisf\u00e9rica, Universidad de Miami,\u00a0<\/SPAN>en America Econom\u00eda en el n\u00famero de abril 2010, relacionado con\u00a0la pol\u00edtica de EEUU hacia Am\u00e9rica Latina y las tendencias de acuerdo con su perspectiva, que se est\u00e1n produciendo en la regi\u00f3n, que explican cierto alejamiento del \u00e1rea de influencia de EEUU.<\/P>
\n

\u00a0<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

Pulling Away<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

By <\/STRONG>Susan <\/STRONG>Kaufman Purcell<\/STRONG>
Director, Center for Hemispheric Policy, University of Miami.<\/P>
\n

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton\u2019s recent trip to Latin America did not turn out as she had hoped. She failed to get Brazil to support sanctions against Iran for its efforts to develop nuclear power. Nor could she persuade Latin American countries that opposed the \u201ctraditional military coup\u201d in Honduras to resume normal relations with the newly-elected government in that country. And the absence of any announcement of a new, big U.S. initiative focusing on the region was disappointing to many Latin Americans.<\/P>
\n

Latin America\u2019s less-than-enthusiastic response to Secretary Clinton\u2019s initiatives is not surprising. President Barak Obama\u2019s participation in last year\u2019s Summit of the Americas raised expectations that he would break with the policies of his predecessors, end the alleged neglect by Washington of the region and support multilateral approaches to the solutions of hemispheric problems. Apparently, many Latin American governments understood Obama\u2019s embrace of multilateralism as meaning that Washington would support the Latin American consensus on regional issues. They were wrong. Instead, the United States continued to enforce the embargo against Cuba, entered into an agreement with Colombia that would allow it to use the latter\u2019s military bases for its anti-drug policies and, after initially joining Latin America in criticizing the military coup in Honduras, reversed its position, recognized the new president and restored U.S. economic aid.<\/P>
\n

Latin America\u2019s disappointment with U.S. behavior and policies toward the region is not, however, the only explanation for the difficulties encountered by the U.S. Secretary of State during her visit. Also important is the fact that throughout much of Latin America, the United States is increasingly viewed as a declining global power, a belief that is causing many Latin American governments to challenge U.S. authority and to distance themselves from Washington while drawing closer to countries that they classify as rising powers, such as China, India and Russia. The increasingly assertive role being played by Brazil, both within the region and on the global stage, reflects its membership in this group of \u201crising\u201d developing countries.<\/P>
\n

There are several problems with Latin America\u2019s views of the United States and of itself. First, although the U.S. economy constitutes a smaller share of the global economy than in the past, together with Canada, it still accounts for 90% of the hemisphere\u2019s economy. Therefore, Latin America\u2019s efforts to distance itself from the United States, for example, by forming new regional organizations that exclude the United States (and Canada), will harm Latin America more than the United States.\u00a0 At a time when Latin America\u2019s economic competitiveness continues to decline vis a vis other regions of the world, it is hard to understand how distancing themselves from the largest market in the world is a good thing. Second, the economic benefits reaped by South America\u2019s commodity export boom have not, with few exceptions, been used to diversify and modernize the region\u2019s economies. This will limit the future global influence of the region. Third, the fact that Latin American countries vote similarly in their regional organizations, especially when criticism of the United States is involved, cannot change the reality that the region is seriously divided into two competing groups \u2013 the ALBA countries led by Venezuelan President Hugo Ch\u00e1vez, and the market-based democracies \u2013 that disagree on politics, foreign policy and economic development strategy. Brazil, which many people expected to be the leader of the latter group, has chosen instead to straddle the two groups in an effort not to lose influence with either and to reap benefits from both.<\/P>
\n

In his eloquent farewell speech at the recent Canc\u00fan summit, President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica dealt precisely with these issues. He argued that \u201cdespite the speeches and the applause,\u201d Latin America \u201chas made little progress in recent decades\u201d and that in certain areas, the region was going backwards, running the risk of \u201cadding to its amazing collection of lost generations,\u201d and wasting again the opportunities it has to move forward. He criticized the region\u2019s failure to build democratic institutions, strengthen the rule of law, and fight \u201cpoverty, ignorance and rampant crime,\u201d and questioned its attraction to populist demagogues. He also said that Latin Americans must stop playing the victim and stop complaining about poverty while engaging in a multi-billion dollar arms race.<\/P>
\n

Perhaps the recent election of new presidents in Uruguay, Chile and Costa Rica, as well as the decline in the fortunes of Hugo Ch\u00e1vez in Venezuela, will move the region closer to Arias\u2019 desired goals of democracy, development and peace. Also needed, however, are more people like President Arias who are willing to speak honestly about what is really going on in Latin America.<\/P>
\n

\u00a0<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

Distancia no recomendada<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

El reciente viaje de Hillary Clinton a Am\u00e9rica Latina no fue lo que ella esperaba. La secretaria de Estado de EE.UU. no logr\u00f3 que Brasil apoyara las sanciones contra Ir\u00e1n por sus esfuerzos en desarrollar su poder nuclear. Tampoco pudo persuadir a los pa\u00edses latinoamericanos que se opusieron al golpe militar de Honduras para que reanudaran sus relaciones con el gobierno recientemente electo en esa naci\u00f3n. Y la ausencia de anuncios sobre una nueva y mayor iniciativa estadounidense enfocada en la regi\u00f3n desilusion\u00f3 a muchos latinoamericanos.<\/P>
\n

La respuesta poco entusiasta de Am\u00e9rica Latina a las iniciativas de Clinton no es sorprendente. La participaci\u00f3n del presidente Barak Obama en la Cumbre de las Am\u00e9ricas el a\u00f1o pasado elev\u00f3 las expectativas de que discontinuar\u00eda las pol\u00edticas de sus predecesores, terminar\u00eda con la presunta negligencia de parte de Washington hacia la regi\u00f3n y apoyar\u00eda soluciones multilaterales a los problemas del hemisferio.<\/P>
\n

Aparentemente, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos interpretaron el abrazo de Obama al multilateralismo como una promesa por parte de Washington a apoyar el consenso latinoamericano en los temas regionales. Se equivocaron. Estados Unidos continu\u00f3 con el embargo contra Cuba, lleg\u00f3 a un acuerdo con Colombia paras usar bases militares para sus pol\u00edticas antidrogas, y, despu\u00e9s de unirse a las cr\u00edticas latinoamericanas al golpe militar de Honduras, revirti\u00f3 su posici\u00f3n, reconoci\u00f3 a su nuevo presidente y restableci\u00f3 la ayuda econ\u00f3mica de Estados Unidos.<\/P>
\n

Pero esta desilusi\u00f3n no es la \u00fanica explicaci\u00f3n para las dificultades con que se top\u00f3 la secretaria de Estado de Estados Unidos durante su visita. Tambi\u00e9n es importante el hecho de que en gran parte de la regi\u00f3n Estados Unidos es visto cada vez m\u00e1s como un poder global en declive, una creencia que est\u00e1 llevando a muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos a desafiar la autoridad estadounidense y a distanciarse de Washington mientras se acercan a pa\u00edses que clasifican como poderes emergentes, como China, India y Rusia. El creciente rol en\u00e9rgico que ha estado jugando Brasil en la regi\u00f3n y el mundo, refleja su pertenencia a este grupo de pa\u00edses. Hay varios problemas con las visiones que existen en Am\u00e9rica Latina de s\u00ed misma y de Estados Unidos. Primero, aunque la econom\u00eda estadounidense constituye hoy una parte m\u00e1s peque\u00f1a de la econom\u00eda global, junto con Canad\u00e1 representa el 90% de la econom\u00eda del hemisferio. Por eso, los esfuerzos de Am\u00e9rica Latina por distanciarse de Estados Unidos (y de Canad\u00e1), formando nuevas organizaciones regionales que lo excluyen, por ejemplo, da\u00f1ar\u00e1n m\u00e1s a la propia regi\u00f3n que a su vecino del norte. En momentos en que la competitividad de Am\u00e9rica Latina contin\u00faa en declive vis a vis otras regiones del mundo, es dif\u00edcil entender c\u00f3mo autodistanciarse de la mayor econom\u00eda del globo puede ser bueno. Segundo, los beneficios econ\u00f3micos cosechados por el boom exportador sudamericano, salvo contadas excepciones, no han sido aprovechados para modernizar las econom\u00edas. Esto limitar\u00e1 la futura influencia de la regi\u00f3n en el mundo. Tercero, el hecho de que los pa\u00edses latinoamericanos votan de una manera semejante en sus organizaciones regionales \u2013 especialmente cuando hay involucradas cr\u00edticas a Estados Unidos\u2013 no cambia el hecho de que la regi\u00f3n est\u00e1 seriamente dividida en dos grupos: los pa\u00edses del ALBA, liderados por el presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Ch\u00e1vez y las democracias basadas en los mercados. Ambos disienten en sus pol\u00edticas internas, focos internacionales y la estrategia de desarrollo econ\u00f3mico. Brasil, que para muchos deber\u00eda ser el l\u00edder de este grupo, ha escogido una posici\u00f3n para no perder influencia en ninguno de los dos: obtener beneficios de ambos.<\/P>
\n

En su elocuente discurso de despedida, en la \u00faltima cumbre de Canc\u00fan, el presidente de Costa Rica, \u00d3scar Arias, habl\u00f3 de esto. Dijo que \u201ca pesar de los discursos y los aplausos\u201d, Am\u00e9rica Latina \u201cha avanzado poco en las \u00faltimas d\u00e9cadas\u201d, y que en ciertas \u00e1reas la regi\u00f3n ha retrocedido, corriendo el riesgo de hacer crecer \u201csu ins\u00f3lita colecci\u00f3n de generaciones perdidas\u201d, desperdiciado oportunidades deavanzar. Critic\u00f3 los fracasos en construir instituciones democr\u00e1ticas, en fortalecer el cumplimiento de la ley y combatir la \u201cpobreza, la ignorancia y la inseguridad ciudadana\u201d, y cuestion\u00f3 su atracci\u00f3n a los demagogos populistas. Tambi\u00e9n dijo que los latinoamericanos deben dejar de jugar el rol de v\u00edctimas y dejar de quejarse de la pobreza mientras gastan miles de millones de d\u00f3lares en su carrera armamentista.<\/P>
\n

Quiz\u00e1 las elecciones presidenciales en Uruguay, Chile y Costa Rica, as\u00ed como la disminuci\u00f3n en la suerte de Hugo Ch\u00e1vez, mover\u00e1n a la regi\u00f3n m\u00e1s cerca de los deseos de Arias en torno a la democracia, el desarrollo y la paz. Sin embargo, para ello se necesitan m\u00e1s personas como el presidente Arias, que muestra voluntad de hablar honestamente acerca de lo que realmente ocurre en Am\u00e9rica Latina.<\/P><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reproduzco una columna de Susan Kaufman Purcell, Directora, Centro de Pol\u00edtica Hemisf\u00e9rica, Universidad de Miami, <\/SPAN>en America Econom\u00eda en el n\u00famero de abril 2010, relacionado con la pol\u00edtica de EEUU hacia Am\u00e9rica Latina y las tendencias de acuerdo con su perspectiva, que se est\u00e1n produciendo en la regi\u00f3n, que explican cierto alejamiento del \u00e1rea de influencia de EEUU.<\/P>
\n

 <\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

Pulling Away<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

Reproduzco una columna de Susan Kaufman Purcell, Directora, Centro de Pol\u00edtica Hemisf\u00e9rica, Universidad de Miami, <\/SPAN>en America Econom\u00eda en el n\u00famero de abril 2010, relacionado con la pol\u00edtica de EEUU hacia Am\u00e9rica Latina y las tendencias de acuerdo con su perspectiva, que se est\u00e1n produciendo en la regi\u00f3n, que explican cierto alejamiento del \u00e1rea de influencia de EEUU.<\/P>
\n

 <\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

Pulling Away<\/SPAN><\/STRONG><\/P>
\n

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